I initially penned this [never published] opinion piece back in September 2012 in response to the production of the anti-Islamic film "Innocence of Muslims." Albeit somewhat dated, I thought I would share it here as it touches on some important issues regarding Coptic-Muslim relations in Egypt and religious pluralism more generally.
Anti-Islamic Film Producers do not Represent the Coptic Diaspora or Serve its Interests
In a brazen act of
intolerance, angry protestors stormed the U.S. embassies in Cairo and Benghazi
on September 11, 2012, burning American flags and killing three diplomatic
personnel, including U.S. Ambassador to Libya J. Christopher Stevens. The
inexcusable act of violence was precipitated by an amateurish video produced
and disseminated by various anti-Islamic personalities, including two Americans
of Coptic Egyptian background: Nakoula Basseley Nakoula and Morris Sadek.
The rage continues, and only time will tell how many innocent lives will perish
in the crossfire. In this context, however, it is important to correct a
growing misconception that Nakoula and Sadek are—as some media outlets
have incorrectly suggested—“leaders” in the Coptic-American community or serve
its interests.
A leader, by
definition, commands a following. Hardline personalities such as Sadek
and Nakoula may be self-appointed leaders in the community and engage in
activities purportedly intended to empower Christians in Egypt, but they have
little traction with Copts in the diaspora or in the ancestral land.
While many Copts have come to learn of—and reject—Sadek’s provocative message
over the years by virtue of his notoriety in the Egyptian press, Nakoula is
something of an enigma in Coptic circles. Neither personality, however,
has demonstrated the intellectual ingenuity, political gravitas, or theological
credentials to lead any significant following in the Coptic-American
community.
The Coptic Orthodox
Church in Egypt has traditionally voiced its opposition to Coptic political
activism overseas of any kind and categorically denounces the anti-Islamic
rhetoric of the diaspora’s few, albeit vocal, right-wing activists. Throughout
his tenure as the patriarch of the Coptic Church in Egypt, the late Pope
Shenouda repeatedly implored Copts abroad to forsake lobbying initiatives and
argued that Christian grievances should be remedied in Egypt and not
overseas. Moreover, Coptic intellectuals and commentators in Egypt spanning
the political spectrum regularly censure the anti-Islamic propaganda of certain
personalities in the diaspora. In the United States, mainstream Coptic
rights activists have also been keen to renounce anti-Islamic vitriol and
propaganda.
This recent episode
of unabashed bigotry has been met with no less derision by Copts in Egypt and
the United States. The Holy Synod of the Coptic Orthodox Church of
Alexandria officially denounced the film and its backers. The Maspero
Youth Union, one of the most prominent Coptic political movements in the
post-Mubarak era, has called for peaceful demonstrations to protest the film’s
message. Coptic-Americans—including more mainstream rights activists—have also
been quick to condemn the film and its producers. Bishop Serapion of the
Coptic Orthodox Diocese of Los Angeles, Southern California, and Hawaii
denounced the film and warned against incriminating Coptic-Americans writ large
for the actions of lone wolves in the community. Activists Michael
Meunier, the President of the U.S. Copts Association, and Cynthia Farahat,
Coptic Solidarity’s director of advocacy, have similarly made remarks reproving
the film and its proponents.
It is a pity that
Nakoula and Sadek did not exercise their First Amendment right to engender a
constructive debate on religious pluralism and the inalienable rights of their
co-religionists in Egypt which are, regrettably, denied on a regular basis. Instead, they chose to abuse their right to free speech by
producing and promoting a feckless and incendiary film that alienated Copts in
Egypt, the diaspora, and mainstream Muslims.
This film could have serious ramifications on the security of Copts in Egypt and the diaspora. Extremists, provoked by radical and opportunistic Islamic clerics, may threaten Copts and Coptic religious edifices in Egypt and abroad. In December 2010, for example, al-Qa’ida published an online “death list” targeting more than 200 Coptic activists and churches in Egypt and in the diaspora. In addition, the anti-Islamic stigma associated with Nakoula’s irresponsible act can, to some extent, discredit and shackle the efforts of more serious human rights proponents in the Coptic-American community.
Moreover, Nakoula and Sadek’s actions and rhetoric have played into the hands of Egypt’s state-owned press and radical segments of society, which consistently portray Coptic activists overseas as nothing more than a cabal of anti-Islamic traitors and outside agitators determined to destroy Coptic-Muslim relations and tarnish Egypt’s reputation abroad. In Egyptian political and public discourse, the expression aqbat al-mahjar—Arabic for “Diaspora Copts”—specifically denotes Copts involved in seditious political activities overseas and, by extension, has come to assume pejorative overtones. Such gross misrepresentations invalidate the legitimate demands and aspirations of mainstream Coptic activists abroad and fail to recognize the achievements and dynamism of Copts in the diasproa more generally.
This film could have serious ramifications on the security of Copts in Egypt and the diaspora. Extremists, provoked by radical and opportunistic Islamic clerics, may threaten Copts and Coptic religious edifices in Egypt and abroad. In December 2010, for example, al-Qa’ida published an online “death list” targeting more than 200 Coptic activists and churches in Egypt and in the diaspora. In addition, the anti-Islamic stigma associated with Nakoula’s irresponsible act can, to some extent, discredit and shackle the efforts of more serious human rights proponents in the Coptic-American community.
Moreover, Nakoula and Sadek’s actions and rhetoric have played into the hands of Egypt’s state-owned press and radical segments of society, which consistently portray Coptic activists overseas as nothing more than a cabal of anti-Islamic traitors and outside agitators determined to destroy Coptic-Muslim relations and tarnish Egypt’s reputation abroad. In Egyptian political and public discourse, the expression aqbat al-mahjar—Arabic for “Diaspora Copts”—specifically denotes Copts involved in seditious political activities overseas and, by extension, has come to assume pejorative overtones. Such gross misrepresentations invalidate the legitimate demands and aspirations of mainstream Coptic activists abroad and fail to recognize the achievements and dynamism of Copts in the diasproa more generally.
Copts in Egypt have
legitimate and justifiable grievances. They have been subjected to systematic
acts of discrimination and repression for decades and have been the targets of
intermittent acts of terrorism. The perpetrators of these crimes often
act with impunity and are rarely prosecuted by local authorities. On a
regular basis, Copts must contend with a growing atmosphere of religious
intolerance and anti-Christian vitriol at various levels of society.
Coptic-Americans are well within their legal and moral right to organize and
mobilize their resources in the United States—and the diaspora more
generally—in defense of the equal rights of their co-religionists in
Egypt. Ethnic lobbying is, after all, an unremarkable feature of the
American political landscape. The anti-Islamic message of Nakoula and
Sadek, however, do not resonate with Copts broadly or serve their interests either
here in the United States or in Egypt.