On the State of Coptic Activism in the Diaspora

In the Middle East Report’s recent summer issue, the Century Foundation’s Michael Hanna penned a lucid and insightful article expounding on the theme of Coptic activism in the diaspora and its implications for Christian-Muslim relations in Egypt. In a nutshell, Hanna argues that (in principle) the diaspora could—through organizational maturity, broadening of networks and contacts, inroads beyond traditional political allies, etc.— pressure Egypt’s government to uphold civil and political rights for all Egyptian citizens, regardless of religious orientation. In its current state, however, Coptic activism overseas has remained largely ineffective and has *possibly* eroded the credibility and position of Copts in Egypt (in no small part a product of the demagoguery of such personalities as Morris Sadek and Monir Dawoud).

This post is not at all intended to challenge Hanna’s thesis—which I generally agree with—but expand on certain points building up to his conclusion and offer some of my perspectives on the issue.         

Religious Fragmentation in the Egyptian Diaspora 

Hanna asserts that religious fragmentation in the Egyptian diaspora is an extension of societal trends in Egypt over the last few decades and—citing Samir Murqus— specifically a product of an “imported…sense of tribalism from the oil-rich Gulf.” While plausible, this explanation has not—to my knowledge—been substantiated by any serious academic study.

Moreover, it fails to consider the numerous ethnographic and sociological studies that underscore the centrality of religion in the life cycle of immigrant communities more generally. Religious identity among immigrants—regardless of country of origin—becomes more salient in the diaspora and provides them with a medium to express ethnic differences and construct identities.[1] Rebecca Kim, a professor of sociology at Pepperdine University, notes the interconnection between religion and ethnicity and argues that religious venues—such as the church, mosque, synagogue, and temple—help immigrants construct their ethnic identity, community, and adapt to new social environments.[2] Arguably, this condition applies to Egyptian immigrants no more or less than any other immigrant community.  

Moreover, the “highly segregated” nature of the diaspora should not be overstated. The same 2012 survey cited in Hanna’s piece reports that 70 percent of diaspora Copts felt they belonged to a broader Egyptian diaspora. In numerous instances, Egyptians in the diaspora—regardless of religious orientation—have collectively established cultural institutions celebrating and promoting their common ethnic heritage. Often times, Copts have assumed leadership roles in these organizations.   

For example, lawyer Maged Riad—the late Pope Shenouda’s legal counselor in the United States and owner of a successful Manhattan textile company—is the Chairman of the New York-based Egyptian American Community Foundation (EACF). Several past chairs of the Egyptian American Organization (EAO)—a California-based nonprofit organization aimed to mobilize the Egyptian-American community and preserve its cultural traditions—have been Copts, including Dr. Nagui Elyas and Cherif Youssef. Sarwat Fahmy and the late Azmy Tadros—founders of successful real estate, construction, and engineering firms in Northern California—were ex-presidents of the Egyptian American Society (EAS), a cultural foundation that promotes the interests of Egyptian-Americans in the San Francisco Bay Area. In addition, Copts populate and play active roles in the Egyptian American Cultural Association (EACA), Egyptian-American Rule of Law Association (EARL), the Association of Egyptian-American Scholars (AEAS), and the Egyptian American Society (EAS).

Diaspora Activism and its Relative Impact

Hanna notes that Coptic activist groups overseas have largely failed to pressure both the Egyptian and American governments on Coptic rights issues. These shortcomings, he goes on to argue, cannot be ascribed solely to the diaspora’s organizational immaturity, but other political and institutional impediments.    

I would argue that the inability to overcome these impediments is, to a great extent, precisely a product of the diaspora’s state of organizational and operational immaturity. Coptic activist groups in the diaspora can overcome many of these institutional challenges and maximize their leverage if they were—to be perfectly blunt—just able to get their act together.

Consider, for example, the following technical and operational deficiencies:  

• Coptic activist groups are divided and often endorse disparate agendas. For the most part, there is no unified vision or standardized approach to activism. Moreover, diaspora activism suffers from one-too-many self-appointed “leaders” and competing egos that all, unequivocally, claim to represent Coptic interests; 

• Observational and anecdotal evidence suggests that the vast majority of diaspora Copts are not members of activist organizations. Coptic activists have essentially failed to marshal the support, energies and financial resources of the broader diaspora;

• Related to the previous point, Coptic activist organizations in the United States are poorly funded. They are dwarfed, for example, when compared with established lobby groups such as the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and the Armenian Assembly of America (AAA);[3] 

• The explicitly anti-Islamic posture of some of the diaspora’s most right-wing activists—such as Morris Sadek—alienate Copts in Egypt, Copts abroad, and prospective allies in the United States (including Muslim-Americans). Their demagoguery—as Hanna accurately highlights—undermines the legitimate demands and efforts of mainstream Coptic activists in the diaspora;  

• As Hanna notes, Coptic activists have failed to make durable inroads beyond their traditional allies (i.e., conservative circles). Diaspora activists must distance themselves from partisan politics and broaden their networks and contacts in both Egypt and the United States.

Copts as a Fifth Column

On a related note, diaspora Copts should eschew the likes of Nakoula B. Nakoula and Morris Sadek for the simple reason that their Islamophobic rhetoric is absolutely deplorable and counterproductive. Coptic activists abroad should not, however, temper their demands and efforts to achieve equal rights out of concern that militants—Islamist or other—will misrepresent their activities as serving the interests of foreign powers. Militant Islamists and others will demonize Coptic activism overseas no matter how rational, moderate or inclusionary it transpires. Coptic activists—be they in Egypt or in the diaspora—should not pander to militant Islamist sensibilities or function within their parameters of acceptability. Regrettably, Islamist groups have a long track record of invalidating Coptic grievances and incriminating Christians in Egypt—despite a two thousand year history of rejecting foreign patronage and intervention—of serving as a “fifth column.” It is doubtful that their position on this issue will change any time soon.   

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[1] Eds. Warner, Stephen and Wittner, Judith G.  Gatherings in Diaspora: Religious Communities and the New Immigration.  Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998. 

[2] Kim, Rebecca Y. “Religion and Ethnicity: Theoretical Connections.”  Religions 2 (2011): 312-329, p. 312. 

[3] FindTheCompany.com and FindTheBest.com—websites that collect financial data on companies and non-profit organizations—disclose the annual revenue of various Coptic lobby groups: U.S. Copts Association: $100,000 (2010); Coptic Solidarity: $93,750 (2010); Coptic Assembly of America: $48,000 (2009); and the American Coptic Association: $22,777 (2009).  By comparison, AAA’s 2010 revenues exceeded $2 million while AIPAC’s 2007 financial revenues exceeded a staggering $70 million.  

On Egyptian Jewry and Erian’s (Disingenuous) Call for Repatriation

In an interview with Dream TV back in December 2012, Essam el-Erian, a high-ranking Muslim Brotherhood official, remarked that Egyptian Jews—the absolute majority of whom have been exiled in Israel and the West for more than five decades—should return to their country of origin. He asserted that every émigré, regardless of religious orientation, has the right to return to Egypt, specifically urging Egyptians Jews to abandon the “brutal, bloody, and racist” state of Israel and “make way for the Palestinian people.” 

For those unfamiliar with the region’s history, it may come as a surprise to learn that Egypt—and the broader Arab world—once hosted a thriving, enterprising, and diverse Jewish community of both native and foreign origins. Jews constituted an integral part of the cultural, ethnic, and religious mosaic that characterized Egypt in the first half of the twentieth century. Cosmopolitan centers such Cairo and Alexandria in particular constituted the nuclei of Jewish life. Up until their expulsion in the wake of the 1956 Suez Crisis, Egyptian Jews were represented in all sectors of society, including the likes of journalist Yaqub Sanu, former Minister of Finance Joseph Cattaui, and legendary songstress Leila Mourad.

Observers, however, should not interpret Erian’s remarks as any genuine attempt to reconcile with Egypt’s exiled Jews. Nor should they be taken as any indicator of the Brotherhood’s evolving worldview regarding the place of non-Muslims in the uma, or Islamic nation, more generally. Any such prognosis fails to recognize the truly anti-Semitic—and anti-plural—history of the Muslim Brotherhood and its early theoreticians. Erian is fully aware that Egyptians Jews—who have achieved remarkable success and equal citizenship in their adopted lands—are unlikely to return to a country that is still struggling with the concept of religious tolerance, not to mention one that is now governed by a party that believes in the supremacy of one belief system over all others. Anyone doubting the Brotherhood’s duplicity need only consider the government’s recent decision to discontinue the modest stipend granted annually to Egypt’s near extinct Jewish community.   

Regrettably, Erian’s remarks were likely prompted with far less noble intentions in mind. The Brotherhood is cognizant that US financial assistance—amounting to well over $1 billion annually—hinges on Egypt’s ongoing commitment to peace in the region. For years, Western pundits speculated—and with good reason—that the Muslim Brotherhood would abrogate Egypt’s 1979 peace agreement with Israel if ever it found itself in a position of authority. Erian’s calls for repatriation was undoubtedly aimed to mitigate the Brotherhood’s anti-Israel credentials and, by extension, its image as a movement intolerant of religious minorities. This sham attempt at presenting a veneer of religious accommodation is all the more devious considering the Islamist-led government is pressing forward with policies that, by their very design, alienate and marginalize Coptic Christians, the country’s largest and most significant minority population. Sadly, not since Muhammad Ali’s reign in the 1800s has an Egyptian ruler sought to make religious equality a cornerstone of their national agenda. 

    

If Erian or any other member of government is sincerely interested in making amends with Egyptian Jews, they will have to discuss the prospects of restitution, which is a far meaningful concern of Egyptian Jews than the issue of repatriation. André Aciman, a professor of comparative literature at the City University of New York and an Alexandrian by birth and early upbringing, expressed this sentiment in an op-ed penned after US President Barack Obama’s historic speech to the Muslim world in Cairo in 2009. Aciman asserted that Jewish assets in Egypt had been illegally sequestered, including his father’s factory, his mother’s house, and other irrecoverable belongings.  

Arguably more important than both repatriation and restitution, however, is the issue of recognition. That is, the Egyptian state has yet to officially recognize the travesty that was the expulsion of its Jewish population. By extension, there is little awareness or recognition of Jewish contributions to the modern Egyptian state. While various members of the intelligentsia have tried to engender a constructive debate on the history and dispersion of Egyptian Jewry, the state has made little such attempt and shows no signs of doing so in in the near future. Egyptian history textbooks make few references to the presence and participation of Jews in Egyptian social, political, and economic life, yet alone the details of their forced departure and exile. There is, regrettably, an entire generation of Egyptians that is completely unaware that their country once boasted of a well-integrated and sizeable Jewish population. 

In 2008, Egyptians flocked to nearby theaters to watch the summer blockbuster Hassan and Murqus, a film that explored the theme of Coptic-Muslim relations in contemporary Egypt. Viewers may not have realized that the film was preceded by the 1954 classic, Hassan and Murqus and Cohen, which in addition, depicted the interplay of Egypt’s Jewish presence at the time. Egyptian Jews are unquestionably Egyptian and should have the right to return to their country of origin—if they so choose—as equal citizens of the state. Erian’s call for repatriation, however, should not be read as any sincere overture to this community in exile or the beginning of any meaningful rapprochement.         

Coptic Flight...Is Egypt's Loss

Since the onset of the 2011 uprising in Egypt, I have perused several reports expounding on the now all-too-common theme of “Coptic flight” in the context of rising Islamist political forces in Egypt. In the last few weeks, Al-Ahram's Michael Adel and Christianity Today’s Jayson Casper penned articles discussing Coptic emigration on the eve of the Orthodox Easter Celebrations. Prior to that, the New York Times’ Monique el-Faizy asserted that Copts had been “flooding” out of Egypt for the United States, specifically detailing the exponential growth in membership of one Coptic church in Queens, New York. Others—including Ulf Laessing, Samuel Tadros, Lucette Lagnado, Negar Azimi, and Meisel Abigail—have all reported at length on this issue over the last few years.

To be sure, all Egyptians—regardless of religious background—are struggling in this current environment of unrest and political uncertainty. Many Egyptian Muslims—no less than their Christian compatriots—are concerned about the implications of an Islamist-led government and considering emigration as a permanent solution to their woes. Egyptians of various religious, socio-economic, and geographic backgrounds—fed up with economic stagnation, unemployment, and instability—are lined up outside embassies in Cairo in the hopes of obtaining a visa and making their great escape. As a vulnerable religious minority, however, Copts—and Egyptian Christians more generally—are contending with added pressures that coerce them to leave their homeland in disproportionately large numbers.

Coptic emigration, however, is hardly a new phenomenon. Rather, it dates back to the mid-twentieth century, precipitated first by the 1952 revolution and gaining momentum during Sadat’s presidential tenure in the 1970s. In the last few decades, the Coptic Orthodox Church—a historically insular institution conceived along and confined to the banks of the Nile Valley—has established a dynamic and robust diaspora with global branches. Thriving Coptic communities exist in Australia, Canada, the Persian Gulf, Western Europe, and the United States, all of which have established spiritual, cultural, and philanthropic institutions intended to preserve their identity and ties with their ancestral land.

Regrettably, Egypt continues to lose out in this process of outbound migration. As Christians continue to flee in response to the current government’s Islamizing campaign, Egypt slowly loses one of its most distinguishable features: its religious and cultural diversity. This trend was set in motion with the 1957 Suez Crisis and nationalization measures which almost entirely emptied Egypt of its once-sizeable Levantine, Greek, Italian, and Jewish communities. The recent passing of Carmen Weinstein, the leader of Cairo’s nearly extinct Jewish community, is yet another reminder of Egypt’s fading pluralism. Moreover, these emigrants—many (if not most) of them educated professionals—constitute an enormous loss in financial and human capital.  When they leave, they take their money, tehnical skills, knowledge, and expertise with them.  These include doctors, lawyers, professors, pharmacists,  engineers, etc., all contributing to the Egyptian “brain drain.”

It is equally disconcerting that the very expression aqbat al-mahgar—Arabic for “diaspora Copts”—has come to assume pejorative undertones in Egyptian public discourse: it specifically denotes those few, albeit vocal, Copts involved in right-wing, anti-Islamic lobbying initiatives abroad. This condition has been driven in no small part by the Egyptian state-owned press’ exclusive coverage of their activities, traditionally part of a broader strategy designed to invalidate the efforts of more serious human rights proponents in the Coptic diaspora. In this context, Egyptians synonymize odious Islamophobes like Morris Sadek and Nakoula B. Nakoula with the “Coptic diaspora” instead of the countless émigrés and their descendants whom have gone on to make outstanding contributions both to their adopted and ancestral homelands. As I’ve argued before, such gross misrepresentations fail to recognize the achievements and dynamism of Copts in the diaspora, which should be a source pride for all Egyptians, regardless of religious orientation.

Sadly, most Egyptians know little about the Coptic diaspora beyond these narrow and shallow caricatures. Few are aware of the development Coptic communities overseas, their history of struggle and acceptance, or their successes abroad which, by extension, beget a positive impression of their country of origin. And while the Egyptian state-owned media continues to showcase the feckless activities of a couple of “lone wolves” abroad, it neglects to detail the Coptic diaspora’s various initiatives in the service of their country of origin or their achievements in their adopted countries. In this context, it is important to highlight these collective and individual successes in order to: 1) remind Egypt’s rulers that they are losing a pool of talent by virtue of their oppressive policies; 2) rectify Egyptians’ perceptions of the Coptic diaspora, which have been invariably shaped by years of misrepresentation in the media; and 3) recognize Copts in the diaspora for their achievements (in the service of both their adopted countries and Egypt), which have gone virtually unnoticed in their country of origin.

Consider, for example, the numerous philanthropic organizations established by the Coptic diaspora dedicated to combatting Egypt’s enduring socio-economic ills: poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, etc. Perhaps the most illustrious example is the Virginia-based Coptic Orphans Support Association (COSA). Nermien Riad, a former State Department engineer, founded the award-winning benevolent association in 1998 to assist orphans and their families throughout Egypt. One of COSA’s many programs is the Valuable Girl Project, a development initiative aimed to empower girls and young women—both Coptic and Muslim—through educational mentoring. In addition, the New York-based Care for Needy Copts provides financial assistance to improve the health and well-being of impoverished families in Egypt while The Good Samaritan Coptic Christian Society serves the needs of autistic and physically handicapped persons in the ancient city of Luxor. In 2009, two Egyptian-American Copts, Heather Ibrahim-Leathers and Elaine Barsoom, co-founded the Global Fund for Widows, a nonprofit organization dedicated to empowering women and female heads of households in Egypt and other developing countries. Many others—such as Anba Abraam’s Coptic Charity and the Coptic Aid Foundation in Canada and the UK-based based Copts in Need and Saint Kyrel Trust—collectively raise millions of dollars annually to provide assistance to impoverished and dispossessed families in Egypt.

On an individual basis, of course, diaspora Copts and their descendants (be they religious or irreligious/of Orthodox, Catholic, or Protestant rite, etc.) have achieved many successes, and they are well worth noting.  Consider, for example, Aida Takla-O'Reilly, the twice-elected and current President of the Hollywood Foreign Press Association, responsible for organizing the annual Golden Globe Awards;  and Emad Yacoub, Founder, President, and CEO of the Vancouver-based Glowbal Restaurant Group, Inc. and 2010 recipient of the Ernst & Young Entrepreneur of the Year Award for the Pacific region.  

Consider, for example, Bishoy Azmy, CEO of the Dubai-based Al Shafar General Contracting, considered one of the top ten construction companies in the UAE.  Arabian Business ranked him as one of the “Top 30 under 30” CEOs in the Arab World; or  the Lebanese-born and bred Fadi Chehadé, the President and CEO of the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers.

Consider, for example, Dina Habib Powell, global head of Corporate Engagement at Goldman Sachs and the former Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs.  Powell was also the youngest person to serve as the director of White House personnel in the Bush Jr. administration; and Alain “Lino” Tadros, the Chairman and CEO of Falafel Software, a Silicon Valley company providing consulting, training, and software development services for small, medium, and enterprise level businesses.

Consider, for example, Greg Badros, Facebook’s Vice President of Engineering and Products and a former Senior Director of Engineering at Google; and John Yacoub, CEO of Advanced Circuits, Inc. and a 2011 finalist for the Ernst & Young Entrepreneur of the Year Award in the Mountain Desert region.

Consider, for example, Marcelle Wahba, former U.S. Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates, from 2001 to 2004; and Gamal Helal, a former senior adviser and chief State Department Arabic-language interpreter.  Helal was the interlocutor for various US presidents and secretaries of state in the Arab world.

Consider, for example, Magdi Yacoub, also known as the “King of Hearts,” a professor of Cardiothoracic Surgery at Imperial College London.  Considered one of the world’s leading cardiologists, Yacoub was knighted by Queen Elizabeth in 1992 and in April 2009, he established the Aswan Heart Center in his ancestral country; or Wagdi Habashi, a professor of mechanical engineering at McGill University, recognized as one of Montreal's most innovative aerospace engineers.  He was appointed a Knight of the National Order of Quebec for his contributions to Canadian science.

Consider, for example, Maryana Iskander, a former Rhodes Scholar and current COO of the Harambee Youth Employment Accelerator, a business initiative that seeks to address youth unemployment in South Africa.  Iskander was also the COO of the Planned Parenthood Federation of America in New York; and Hani Azer, a leading civil engineer in Germany, and Chief Engineer of Europe’s largest train station—the Berlin Central Station.  In 2006, he became the recipient of the Merit of the State of Berlin for outstanding services rendered to the state.

Consider, for example, Naguib “Nick” Kaldas, the Deputy Commissioner of the New South Wales Police.  In 2009, Kaldas chosen to lead the 2009 UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon to investigate the assassination of the late Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri; or Stephen Adly Guirgis, a Tony-nominated playwright, screenwriter, director and actor.

Consider, for example, Sam Aziz, former mayor of the city of Casey in Australia; and Nabil Lawandy, Chairman, President and CEO of Spectra Systems Corporation, a Providence-based company that invents, develops, and manufactures advanced technology-based products.  Lawandy is also a Professor of Engineering and Physics at Brown University.

Consider, for example, Fayez Sarofim, one of the country’s most successful wealth managers and generous philanthropist (he is also the grandson of the late Murqus Semeika Pasha, the founder of the Coptic Museum in Cairo); or Medhat Gorgy, President and CEO of Pyramid Laboratories Inc.  In 2009, Gorgy was named the Small Business Person of the Year by the U.S. Small Business Administration, Santa Ana District Office.

Consider, for example, Ray Sidhom, the Founder and Chairman of EVO Payments International, LLC., one of the nation’s leading privately-held payments processor in the country.  Sidhom was the recipient of the 2009 Ernst & Young Entrepreneur of the Year Award in Metro New York; or Raouf Halim, CEO of Mindspeed Technologies, a Newport Beach-based semiconductor solutions company that had a revenue of $162 million in 2011 alone. 

Consider, for example, Nimet Habachy, a former radio host and programmer of WQXR’s New York at Night (she is also the daughter of Sir Saba Habachy Pasha, an ex-Minister of Commerce and Industry in Egypt, judge, and authority on Islamic law); or Hany Girigs, the Chairman and Founder of SkillStorm, one of the nation’s fastest-growing IT and engineering services companies.  Girgis was also the recipient of the 2009 Ernst & Young Entrepreneur of the Year Award for San Diego. 

Consider, for example, William Bishai, the first permanent Director of  the KwaZulu-Natal Research Institute for Tuberculosis and HIV and the Co-Director of the Johns Hopkins Center for Tuberculosis Research; or Ramsey Mankarious, a leader in the hotel investment industry and founder of the UK-based Cedar Capital Partners.  He was the former Executive Vice-President of Acquisitions & Development for Kingdom Holding. 

These aforementioned examples are not at all intended to promulgate any kind of unfounded and obnoxious chauvinism of either the Coptic or Egyptian strand; rather, they serve (as mentioned earlier) simply to demonstrate that Egypt has much to lose in such an exodus, all the while acknowledging the dynamism and successes of Copts abroad, which should serve as a source of pride for all Egyptians.

Arming the Syrian Opposition? Big Mistake

According to the New York Times, US  Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel confirmed that the Obama administration is now seriously considering arming the Syrian opposition.  Apparently, General Salim Idriss--the commander of the opposition's Supreme Military Council--has impressed Washington with his "moderate instincts" and "pledge to reject extremist elements like Al-Nusra."

Uh, to give my unvarnished opinion, this seems like a disastrous mistake.

Unfortunately for Idriss, his pledge seems as good as useless at this juncture.  Militant Islamist rebels--led in no small part by the kooks of Jabhat al-Nusra--have pretty much usurped the anti-regime uprising and control large swaths of Syrian territory.  In the process, they have sidelined pro-democracy activists, liberals, secular democrats, religious minorities, etc., all the while making no apologies for their medieval aspirations of transforming Syria into an Islamic Caliphate.  Sorry, but the guys that are actually in charge are not exactly comparable with the peaceful, freedom-loving protestors of Tahrir Square.

Are we really going to support these ideological crackpots?  I am not even remotely convinced that the Western-backed Syrian National Coalition (SNC)--based in Istanbul mind you--will be able to keep these guys in check.  Observers like Shadi Hamid (Brookings Doha Center) and Roula Khalaf (Financial Times) have pressed US policymakers to play a more involved role in the conflict, but arguments in favor of arming the rebels are simply unfulfilling.

Pity really.  Syrians deserve a thousand times better than the options they're being accorded.

Diaspora Copts, Anti-Islamic Film, and Religious Equality in Egypt

I initially penned this [never published] opinion piece back in September 2012 in response to the production of the anti-Islamic film "Innocence of Muslims."  Albeit somewhat dated, I thought I would share it here as it touches on some important issues regarding Coptic-Muslim relations in Egypt and religious pluralism more generally.  

Anti-Islamic Film Producers do not Represent the Coptic Diaspora or Serve its Interests 

In a brazen act of intolerance, angry protestors stormed the U.S. embassies in Cairo and Benghazi on September 11, 2012, burning American flags and killing three diplomatic personnel, including U.S. Ambassador to Libya J. Christopher Stevens.  The inexcusable act of violence was precipitated by an amateurish video produced and disseminated by various anti-Islamic personalities, including two Americans of Coptic Egyptian background: Nakoula Basseley Nakoula and Morris Sadek.  The rage continues, and only time will tell how many innocent lives will perish in the crossfire.  In this context, however, it is important to correct a growing misconception that Nakoula and Sadek are—as some  media outlets have incorrectly suggested—“leaders” in the Coptic-American community or serve its interests. 

A leader, by definition, commands a following.  Hardline personalities such as Sadek and Nakoula may be self-appointed leaders in the community and engage in activities purportedly intended to empower Christians in Egypt, but they have little traction with Copts in the diaspora or in the ancestral land.  While many Copts have come to learn of—and reject—Sadek’s provocative message over the years by virtue of his notoriety in the Egyptian press, Nakoula is something of an enigma in Coptic circles.  Neither personality, however, has demonstrated the intellectual ingenuity, political gravitas, or theological credentials to lead any significant following in the Coptic-American community. 

The Coptic Orthodox Church in Egypt has traditionally voiced its opposition to Coptic political activism overseas of any kind and categorically denounces the anti-Islamic rhetoric of the diaspora’s few, albeit vocal, right-wing activists. Throughout his tenure as the patriarch of the Coptic Church in Egypt, the late Pope Shenouda repeatedly implored Copts abroad to forsake lobbying initiatives and argued that Christian grievances should be remedied in Egypt and not overseas.  Moreover, Coptic intellectuals and commentators in Egypt spanning the political spectrum regularly censure the anti-Islamic propaganda of certain personalities in the diaspora.  In the United States, mainstream Coptic rights activists have also been keen to renounce anti-Islamic vitriol and propaganda.    

This recent episode of unabashed bigotry has been met with no less derision by Copts in Egypt and the United States.  The Holy Synod of the Coptic Orthodox Church of Alexandria officially denounced the film and its backers.  The Maspero Youth Union, one of the most prominent Coptic political movements in the post-Mubarak era, has called for peaceful demonstrations to protest the film’s message.  Coptic-Americans—including more mainstream rights activists—have also been quick to condemn the film and its producers.  Bishop Serapion of the Coptic Orthodox Diocese of Los Angeles, Southern California, and Hawaii denounced the film and warned against incriminating Coptic-Americans writ large for the actions of lone wolves in the community.  Activists Michael Meunier, the President of the U.S. Copts Association, and Cynthia Farahat, Coptic Solidarity’s director of advocacy, have similarly made remarks reproving the film and its proponents. 

It is a pity that Nakoula and Sadek did not exercise their First Amendment right to engender a constructive debate on religious pluralism and the inalienable rights of their co-religionists in Egypt which are, regrettably, denied on a regular basis.  Instead, they chose to abuse their right to free speech by producing and promoting a feckless and incendiary film that alienated Copts in Egypt, the diaspora, and mainstream Muslims.    

This film could have serious ramifications on the security of Copts in Egypt and the diaspora.  Extremists, provoked by radical and opportunistic Islamic clerics, may threaten Copts and Coptic religious edifices in Egypt and abroad.  In December 2010, for example, al-Qa’ida published an online “death list” targeting more than 200 Coptic activists and churches in Egypt and in the diaspora.  In addition, the anti-Islamic stigma associated with Nakoula’s irresponsible act can, to some extent, discredit and shackle the efforts of more serious human rights proponents in the Coptic-American community.

Moreover, Nakoula and Sadek’s actions and rhetoric have played into the hands of Egypt’s state-owned press and radical segments of society, which consistently portray Coptic activists overseas as nothing more than a cabal of anti-Islamic traitors and outside agitators determined to destroy Coptic-Muslim relations and tarnish Egypt’s reputation abroad.  In Egyptian political and public discourse, the expression aqbat al-mahjar—Arabic for “Diaspora Copts”—specifically denotes Copts involved in seditious political activities overseas and, by extension, has come to assume pejorative overtones.  Such gross misrepresentations invalidate the legitimate demands and aspirations of mainstream Coptic activists abroad and fail to recognize the achievements and dynamism of Copts in the diasproa more generally. 

Copts in Egypt have legitimate and justifiable grievances.  They have been subjected to systematic acts of discrimination and repression for decades and have been the targets of intermittent acts of terrorism.  The perpetrators of these crimes often act with impunity and are rarely prosecuted by local authorities.  On a regular basis, Copts must contend with a growing atmosphere of religious intolerance and anti-Christian vitriol at various levels of society.  Coptic-Americans are well within their legal and moral right to organize and mobilize their resources in the United States—and the diaspora more generally—in defense of the equal rights of their co-religionists in Egypt.  Ethnic lobbying is, after all, an unremarkable feature of the American political landscape.  The anti-Islamic message of Nakoula and Sadek, however, do not resonate with Copts broadly or serve their interests either here in the United States or in Egypt.